Controversial anti-coup bill in Thailand faces mounting opposition from conservative parties. Pheu Thai MP Prayut Siripanich to withdraw the bill after backlash over military interference concerns, marking a setback for anti-coup legal efforts in the country.
A controversial bill put forward by a Pheu Thai Party list MP is to be withdrawn on Thursday. This follows a fierce backlash from conservative parties both within and outside the present shaky coalition. The bill is particularly timely, given the events in South Korea last week. Indeed, on Monday, its proponent, Mr. Prayut Siripanich, referred to President Yoon Suk Yeol’s failed coup. He said it was important that Thailand had a law to prevent the country’s catastrophic history of coups. However, the nervousness of the government, particularly the Ministry of Defence, and Phumtham Wechayachai over the issue starkly emphasises that the threat of a military takeover in Thailand has not fully receded.
On Tuesday, it emerged that Pheu Thai MP Prayut Siripanich who had proposed an anti-coup defence bill to parliament, was preparing to withdraw it. Mr. Siripanich is a party-list MP, elected 17th out of 29 Pheu Thai Party list MPs in last year’s general election.
The Pheu Thai MP’s Defence Act would have allowed the cabinet a final say on the appointment of senior army officers. In brief, these officers would have been proposed by the military through the Ministry of Defence.
Furthermore, the law made acting in a manner that undermined democratic institutions illegal. At the same time, it proposed that the Prime Minister in power should have the ability to order officers to stand down in emergencies, such as a coup d’état.
Coup attempt in South Korea sparks comparisons and raises calls for anti-coup measures in Thailand
Certainly, the heightened concern and awareness of the bill come at a particularly interesting time. Last week, the South Korean President, Yoon Suk Yeol, launched what effectively amounted to a coup d’état on Tuesday night.
However, within hours, the attempt had failed. Undoubtedly, this can be attributed to the actions of one officer in particular. General Kwak Jong-kuen, the special forces commander, refused to act against sitting MPs or take other measures.
Nonetheless, the senior officer found himself suspended from duty in the aftermath of the coup. Initially, he had obeyed orders from the Defence Minister to act. However, after that, he refused to issue live ammunition to military units surrounding parliament. Additionally, he decisively refused to remove up to 190 MPs who convened in the early hours of December 4th.
At length, this parliament, by a unanimous vote, forced President Yoon to step down and reverse his martial law declaration. The developments in Seoul were noted in Thailand on Wednesday last week, with People’s Party MP Parit Wacharasindhu urging anti-coup legislation.
Thai public and politicians express strong opposition to defence bill aimed at limiting military autonomy
Nevertheless, the political reality in Thailand this week is somewhat different. For instance, a poll on parliament’s website suggested that 72.4% of respondents disagreed with the anti-coup law. The poll was launched on December 2nd and had 27,113 respondents by Tuesday afternoon.
Certainly, the proposed bill ran into heavyweight opposition on Monday. Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of the Interior Anutin Charnvirakul came out strongly opposed to it. The Bhumjaithai Party leader effectively blamed politicians for previous coups d’état in Thailand. The influential government minister, whose party controls the Senate, blamed corrupt politicians. In short, he argued that if politicians were not corrupt, there would be no coups.
On Tuesday, this was followed by opposition from both the United Thai Nation (Ruam Thai Sang Chart) Party, another coalition party. At the same time, the Palang Pracharath Party, in opposition, also voiced strong opposition.
Concerns over political interference with military leadership dominate Thai Defence Bill criticism
Ratchaburi MP Akkaradet Wongpitakroj was the United Thai Nation (Ruam Thai Sang Chart) Party spokesman on the matter. Firstly, he compared it to a similar piece of legislation proposed previously by the now-dissolved Move Forward Party, a predecessor of the present-day People’s Party.
Mr. Akkaradet pointed out that the military was a pillar of the nation. Therefore, it should not be interfered with by politicians. Furthermore, interfering in the operations of the military was a security risk. Any legal provisions impacting the military must be treated with caution.
After that, Police Lieutenant General Piya Tavichair for the Palang Pracharath Party weighed in. Significantly, he said his party’s position was endorsed by its leader, General Prawit Wongsuwan. General Prawit is a former army Commander-in-Chief and a key driver behind the 2014 coup d’état.
Police Lieutenant General Piya warned that Mr. Prayut Siripanich’s bill would give higher authority to politicians than to armed forces chiefs. He questioned the idea that politicians, who are only elected at intervals, should have such power. In particular, he emphasized that currently, senior military appointments are proposed to His Majesty King Maha Vajiralongkorn for approval.
Deputy Prime Minister Phumtham Wechayachai distances himself and Pheu Thai from anti-coup bill
Faced with fierce opposition on Monday and Tuesday, Deputy Prime Minister Phumtham Wechayachai was wavering.
He quickly pointed out that the proposed bill was merely a personal matter. For instance, he mentioned previous legislation proposed by his predecessor Sutin Klangsaeng.
Deputy Prime Minister Phumtham denied that the bill represented either Pheu Thai Party policy or its position.
The bill was also supported by another Pheu Thai Party MP, Cherdchai Tantisiri. Earlier, Mr. Prayut had defended his bill, saying he was speaking for people who did not want to see the regularisation of coups d’état in Thailand. In particular, he defended his right to seek this goal.
On Monday, he had hoped he could preserve some elements of the bill. However, on Tuesday, he proposed to withdraw the bill on December 12. Mr. Prayut was particularly disappointed by the public reaction to his bill. He felt that what happened in South Korea last week was a lesson for Thailand.
Bill proposing cabinet power over military officers sees growing controversy and proposed withdrawal
“Everything has a regulation from the Ministry of Defense to control the appointment process, not the Cabinet appointing itself. Or in the case of the determination that the Prime Minister, with the Cabinet’s approval, has the power to order military officers to temporarily suspend their duties, especially if they act outside of their mandate,” he asserted.
“But it is an exercise of power to prevent a coup like the South Korean MPs used their power to prevent the president from declaring martial law. Many countries have strict measures to prevent a seizure of power. However, when there is a lot of opposition, it must be adjusted. From the 100% hope, if we get 30-50%, we will be satisfied. But we cannot go all the way,” explained Mr. Prayut.
That was before his decision on Tuesday to withdraw the bill on Thursday, December 12th.
Impact of previous coups in Thailand highlighted as the economy faces lasting damage and stagnation
Undoubtedly, the last two coups d’état in Thailand, in both 2006 and 2014, did irreparable harm to Thailand’s economy. In brief, they stifled badly needed developments to pave the way toward a more advanced economy.
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Indeed, Thailand’s economic performance since the 1980s, when compared to South Korea, highlights the case. In 1980, Thai GDP was $32.25 billion, while South Korea’s was $65.4 billion. In short, Thailand had 49.31% of South Korea’s output. However, in 2023, Thailand’s GDP was $514.8 billion, while South Korea’s had rocketed to $1.713 trillion. Thailand’s GDP was only 30% of its East Asian neighbour.
Thai political and military systems compared with those in the UK and the US, reveal stark differences
Presently, Thailand’s system of government, for cultural or historical reasons, has left the military as a key player in its own right. For instance, in the United Kingdom, similar appointments are finalised by the government under the Secretary of Defence, which are then sent for approval by the King.
As in Thailand, the UK’s head of the armed forces is the King. However, unlike Thailand, parliament is far more powerful.
Indeed, it is sovereign in Britain. Nevertheless, the monarchy has a sweeping prerogative, which is undefined. In short, it acts as a protector of democracy and the constitution.
Meanwhile, in the United States, all senior top brass appointments are made by the President, who is both the head of the executive and state.
However, all such appointments must be confirmed by the Senate. Indeed, the U.S. Congress retains a right, very seldom used, to make military appointments itself.
Thailand’s propensity for coups d’état is largely caused by a weak parliament. Certainly, this has been undermined by repeated coups. However, it has also been undermined by the country’s chronic corruption problem.
In the meantime, the military is a major force in society. Indeed, it is seen as a pillar of the Thai nation. This is, of course, rooted in Thai history and culture.
“Any change to the regulations of the Defence Ministry must be carefully considered. The armed forces are major national institutions where security is concerned,” is how the United Thai Nation (Ruam Thai Sang Chart) Party MP and spokesman eloquently put it this week.
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